Archive for the ‘Uncategorized’ Category
Building self-sustainable communities to turn the tide against ANC poverty
By: J Mare
27 January, 2014
Many people by now are aware of the debilitating poverty conditions the Boer-Afrikaner people of South Africa are experiencing in recent years, and it won’t come as a surprise to many that the white ethnic minority of South Africa is in deep trouble. The conditions we experiencing now, are a hundred-fold more severe, than at any other time in our history. ANC induced poverty is threatening to annihilate our community and wipe us off the demographic map of this country.
The Afrikaner Journal has published several articles about the heart-wrenching poverty developing in the Boer-Afrikaner community since 1994. Links to these, and other sources are available at the end of this article.
Data gathered by the Solidarity Helping Hand charity shows that (up and until 2009) a 150% increase in dire poverty developed in this community, because of government intervention and transformation policies. The ANC government has promulgated corrective (race-based) legislation addressing poverty and joblessness among black South Africans, but the very same legislation flowing from this so-called well-meaning intervention has had severe consequences on the lives of ordinary Boer-Afrikaner people.
We are becoming poor at a rate of 8% per year, since 1994
According to the StatsSA only 9% of white people are unemployed, despite being “unemployable” due to employment quota’s inherent in employment legislation. This appears to be in stark contrast with the official unemployment rate among blacks, but the figure, presented as truth by this government-funded and controlled institution, neglects to mention the broader implication that this redress legislation and current social conditions have had on poverty in the Boer-Afrikaner community.
For instance, the figure for unemployment cannot be used as a sole measure to calculate poverty conditions among Boer-Afrikaners, as this figure does not include pensioners, those who receive child grants and/or grants for medical unfit persons, or the children in these communities. These factors contribute to the larger picture of poverty in our community and makes it possible, and not unreasonable to increase the percentage of possible destitute to that closely resembling that of blacks.
At the rate Boer-Afrikaners have been impoverished, The Afrikaner journal estimated in 2010, from figures supplied by the Solidarity Helping Hand Charity that the figure of destitute Boer-Afrikaners should now be close to, if not exceeding 800 000 people. These severely effected population now finds itself on the fringes of our cities, living as squatters in hundreds of tiny refugee camps.
Incidentally, many of these people are healthy, highly trained citizens, discarded by the ANC as possible workers, because of the colour of their skin. We are seeing a growing number of skilled Boer-Afrikaner people whiling their time away in squalor and poverty. This situation has prompted several people, groups and organizations over the years to investigate and attempt intervention strategies to try to stem the tide of unemployment in our communities.
Many like the Volkshulp 2ooo, Solidarity Helping hand and other charity organizations have tried to intervene by collecting and distributing basic food stuffs and clothing to the needy. But, helping to stave of hunger only, is clearly not a viable option and a permanent solution to empower and uplift people from poverty to become economically self-sustaining. One solution the Solidarity Movement came up with, was to start a technical training college to educate youngsters to become skilled tradesmen, and by doing so, preparing them for a better future. Skills will also give them a better chance of finding employment.
All of these interventions, although very successful in addressing the needs of those individuals who can afford the funds for training, have not been enough to stem the tide of poverty, however. Fortunately, we are beginning to see the beginning of another type of upliftment program taking root all over South Africa. It seems like Boer-Afrikaners are going back to their roots. Several self-sustaining communities can now be found all over the country in what could be better described as Boere-kibbutz corporations.
The rise of the Boere-kibbutz
Self-sustaining communities are not an entirely new concept in South Africa, or the world for that matter. There are many cultural villages in South Africa that work on this principle. The ownership of the land is held in trusts by traditional leaders and the land redistributed by chiefs to villagers who then cultivate food for consumption by all members of the community.
Boer-Afrikaner have also tentatively started similar communities and we now have two cultural centra (Boer-Afrikaner communities) one in the Northern Cape province called Orania and the other east of Pretoria called Kleinfontein. Both these communities are protected by law because both are registered corporations in which all members own shares in the business (and or land) they hold collectively.
These two communities have been so successful that small towns have now sprung up around the business hub and all the assets are owned and administrated by the community. But the success story of Orania and Kleinfontein are not completely accidental or isolated incidents of successful community intervention. We are hearing encouraging news of other entrepreneurs attempting to copy this very same idea, elsewhere.
Kleinvallei is born
In early January of this year (2014) the Journal got word of yet another exciting project called Kleinvallei, founded 30 km east Pretoria, South Africa, that aims to create a self-sustaining Boer-Afrikaner community in that area. The project is the brain-child of Boer-Afrikaner activist and entertainer, Sunette Bridges and her “Boere Vroue Liga” (Boer Women’s League).
According to their website the project leader explains the reasons for establishing this self-sustaining community as follows:
There are many people who think that these [Boer-Afrikaner] people simply need to be taught skills to generate an income and uplift themselves. Sadly, the reality is that this is not an option for more than 70% of them! Approximately 50% of the 600 000 are Children younger than 18 and about 20% are Elderly Folk. In many cases the children are left in the care of Grandparents hardly able to fend for themselves, much less take care of a child.
This leaves us with 30% – approximately 180 000 people between the ages of 18 and 50 that, given the opportunity, could make a better life for themselves… A large number of this group is in desperate need of rehabilitation! It is easy to judge these people from a position of comfort but if you were never exposed to their circumstances – growing up with absolutely nothing and no reference to a better way of life – you couldn’t possibly understand their frame of mind or their reasons for “giving up hope”. A substantial number of this group also suffers some form of Mental or Physical handicap and they will always be dependent on the care of others.
…but, there are at least 150 000 able-bodied people, who, given the opportunity CAN turn their lives around forever! …and then there’s the CHILDREN! If we can save them then we can break this vicious cycle!
The project is well on its way of becoming the next, very successful community project initiated entirely by the Boere-Afrikaners, to uplift their own. It is clear from the above that the tiny Boer population is not going to continue to sit idly by and allow ANC de-humanization policies to destroy their identity and their culture. Already thousands of people have shown interest in the project from all over the country (and the world) and the BVL have already started receiving donations to get the project off the ground.
Although the project leaders have already secured permission from the authorities to develop the area, they are still negotiating terms with the current owners of the land. We will have to wait until the official announcement of the project, to bring you more on this extremely exciting chapter in our history.
Those who would like to contribute to developing Kleinvallei can so so by donating to the BVL. You can also visit their facebook page and/or website for more information about these organizations and the work they do.
The Anniesdale kibbutz, Viljoenskroon district, Free State province, South Africa
Earlier this week I met Adriaan Kleynhans who told me about his kibbutz in the eastern Free State province.
Adriaan says that since its start in March of 2012, the kibbutz has housed several couples who worked and lived on the small-holding. The area consists of 10 hectares of land of which some is under cultivation and produces vegetables, where-as the rest is used to raise chickens. He says there’s a lot of water (three bore-holes) to supply in their every need and the small-holding also has two huge barns, and of course the housing facility for those living and working there.
At the moment Adriaan says he is renting the property and they have to make do with supplying in their own needs. He says it is either this or giving up and joining a local white squatter camp. He says that apart from producing poultry meat, they also produce eggs and vegetables for the local market, but funds are always a problem. He says they also supply food to the local squatter camp of Vierfontein.
He says he is in need of financial help to make the project even more viable and to secure more equipment to improve production. Adriaan says they do not receive any financial help from any one at the moment and will be grateful for any donations from the public to keep his concern going and the poor, fed.
Adriaan is 63 years old and is managing all of this on his own, with the help of migrating labour. He says he’d very much like to transform the facility into a haven for destitute people, or those fleeing the conditions of their own grinding poverty.
Adriaan says he lost his job in 2012 and wasn’t ready to just lie down and die. He started this project to survive, but it has morphed into so much more, and it is now providing not only in his and his partners needs, but they actually produce excess with which they can help others.
Those of our readers who feel that they’d like to support Adriaan with a donation can do so by donating funds into the follow bank account (our foreign friends will find the swiftcode helpful for donations from outside South Africa):
Account Holder: M.T Myburgh
Bank: Standard Bank SA (Viljoenskroon)
Account No: 148224830
Branch code: 051001
SWIFT CODE: SBZAZAJJ
You can also follow their progress on the facebook, here:
Clearly this community is starting to find its feet, and I’m sure it won’t be long before we will see drastic improvement in the lives of my people, as ordinary citizens join hands against this scourge. We have experienced similar conditions twice in the last hundred years and each time we had risen to the challenge to safe our own. It is with hope in my heart that I end this blog post.
I hope this has inspired the readers too, to help us in realizing our goals.
With your help we can do this – we can safe a people from destitute and poverty.
Addisional information about poverty in the Boer-Afrikaner community, follow these links:
Blood service may no longer ban whites from applying – Solidarity
Blood service may no longer exclude whites when advertising vacancies
The Labour Court in Braamfontein today issued an order in terms of which the South African National Blood Service (SANB) may not exclude whites when advertising vacancies in the future. The implication of the court order is that any person from any racial group will be able to apply for vacancies at the SANBS in the future.
According to Dirk Hermann, Deputy General Secretary of Solidarity, the trade union represented Theodore Reyneke and Sanet Schönfeldt who have worked for the SANB for 28 and 24 years respectively. ‘Solidarity took the blood service to court after the applicants had been prevented from applying for promotion posts because they were white. The court issued the order following negotiations between the parties out of court. During the negotiations the blood service gave its assurance that vacancies would be open to all applicants in future. This undertaking was at the centre of the Labour Court’s order.’
‘We are very pleased with the court order. The Employment Equity Act does not make provision for quotas or promotion ceilings. We trust that this order of the court will send a message to other employers as well,’ said Hermann.
The blood service offered severance packages to white employees over the age of 55 last year, thereby creating 14 vacancies. The vacancies were subsequently advertised and it was stipulated in the advertisement that only black Africans could apply for the jobs in question.
Statement issued by Dirk Hermann, Deputy General Secretary: Solidarity, October 24 2013
Bloody racial court case
Written by Peter Church
While 75% of blood donors in South Africa are white, the South African National Blood Service (SANBS) do not want to employ whites.
This is the sad facts and basis of a court case starting this week in the Johannesburg Labour Court.
Trade union Solidarity’s case against the SANBS over its absolute ban on certain racial groups’ applications for vacancies will get underway in the Johannesburg Labour Court on Thursday, 24 October 2013.
The case has started controversially, says Dirk Hermann, Deputy General Secretary of Solidarity: ‘The SANBS refused to meet Solidarity’s request for the disclosure of its blood donors’ racial demographics. Solidarity understands that approximately 75% of the blood service’s donors are white. We believe the blood service should take the demographics of its blood donors into consideration when appointing personnel.’
In the case Solidarity is representing Theodore Reyneke and Sanet Schönfeldt who have worked for the SANBS for 28 and 24 years respectively. ‘Last year the blood service embarked on a space-creation strategy and offered severance packages for white employees over the age of 55, thereby creating 14 vacancies. The vacancies were subsequently advertised and in the advertisement it was stipulated that only black Africans could apply for the jobs in question.
Solidarity will request the court to concede that Reyneke and Schönfeldt were unfairly discriminated against on the basis of race and that the blood service should be prevented from applying similar practices in future.’
Hermann says the principle according to which people are barred from applying for posts if they are not of a specific race must be tested in court. ‘If we succeed in setting a precedent through this case, it will apply to all companies that follow this practice. This practice amounts to a quota system which is not permitted by the Employment Equity Act. An absolute ban may not be placed on the promotion of white people.’
*As a foot note to this story, do yourselves a favour and go to the SANBS website’s photo gallery honouring those who have reached milestones in giving blood, like more than 200 blood donations. It’s a rather “pink” affair.
We say blood is red, not black or white.
Let’s continue to
Fight the SA government’s obsession with race
#BANC (Boere-Afrikaner national council): Reporting back from special meeting at Carletonville, South Africa
#BANC (Boere-Afrikaner national council): Reporting back from special meeting at Carletonville, South Africa
By J. Maré
21 October 2013
The BANC – as the only elected council with a mandate to speak for #Afrikaners (#Boers), assembled at #Carletonville last week, to discuss important issues and proposals.
According to #AbelMalan, counselor and spokesperson for the body, three important issues have been resolved.
The first suggestion was a motion tabled, to forward additional information to the South African state, as requested by its legal council. This pertains the councils original request to dialogue with the regime about the councils mandate to seek self-determination for its members. This motion was accepted.
The second very important issue was the motion to lay a charge of #HateSpeech against the #EFF and its leader #JuliusMalema for singing and propagating hate speech against the Boere-Afrikaner #minority at its founding meeting, held last week. This motion was also accepted and the BANC will lay a charge at the #Nelspruit SAPS (police station) this week.
The council then decided to accept a motion to continue with the third phase (international phase) of its plan to secure freedom for this beleaguered minority of South Africa, within the confines of international law.
The last important issue discussed was that of the importance of holding regular elections to renew the original mandate of the council and expand the scope of the councils work. In this regard the council requests all eligible voters to register for next year’s elections.
Informal discussions then followed on the councils facebook page, about ways and means to secure funds for the upcoming elections. Those who would like to contribute financially, can do so by donating to the Freedom Fund (Vryheidsfonds) a fund specially created to fund the working of the council.
We urge all our readers to consider donating as well, to further this worthy cause.
You can access information for the fund here:
SOURCE (Story and Photo):
Facebook page, Boere-Afrikaner National Council
RETURN TO REASON
Blade runner killing and the media blackout
Exclusive: Ilana Mercer reveals realities of South Africa’s ‘color of crime’
21 February 2013
After decades of indifference from America’s infotainment industry, imagine my surprise to hear TV anchors like Megyn Kelly of Fox News allude to the killing fields of South Africa.
South Africa should be in the news every day. It isn’t. Scant few among the West’s Yellow Press care to chronicle the country’s favorite blood sport: murder. The Afrikaners, in particular – arguably that country’s founding people – are being killed off at genocidal rates with nary a murmur from the media – although the same crowd is on the scene to report on Nelson Mandela’s every wheelchair-bound move.
According to Genocide Watch, South Africa under the African National Congress is now at stage 6 of the 8 stages of genocide. However, were it not for a little-known, heroic Internet journalist (cited in “Into the Cannibal’s Pot: Lessons for America from Post-Apartheid South Africa”), few would know who the victims of this racial onslaught are and how they die.
Soon jurist Alan Dershowitz was chiming in about “how dangerous” life in South Africa was. Dershowitz even denigrated the country’s judiciary as “a very politically correct judiciary,” “filled with people from the ANC and supporters of the ANC”; most certainly “not one of the finer judiciaries in the world.”
A subject that had been submerged since 1994 – the ramshackle state of post-apartheid South Africa – was suddenly being raised, if in veiled terms.
The reason for the heightened awareness among the criminally comatose is Blade Runner Oscar Pistorius’ run-in with the law. The Olympian amputee killed his girlfriend, model Reeva Steenkamp, in what he contends was a case of mistaken identity. This being South Africa, the crime scene in suburban Pretoria is rumored to have been contaminated by the new and notorious South African Police Services. And the prosecutor has overreached, charging Pistorius, who has no priors, with premeditated murder.
The high-profile murder is PC and TV perfect for a left-liberal media, in South Africa and beyond, that wish to peddle the myth of “colorless” crime in South Africa. It is no such thing. In the aggregate, violence in the Rainbow Nation – more appropriately called the “Rambo Nation” – is unidirectional: black on black and black on white. Violence against women generally flows in the same direction. Considering, moreover, that the country now has one of the world’s highest murder rates and lowest conviction rates, a South African thug can safely pursue his vocation without fearing the consequences.
South African authorities, universities and think tanks no longer provide information about victimization patterns by race of victim and offender. Nevertheless, in the research for my book, I uncovered data according to which, at 76.6 percent of the population, blacks committed 76.4 percent of “intimate femicides” (defined as “the killing of a female person by an intimate partner”). And they committed 68.3 percent of “non-intimate femicides”: “the killing of a woman by someone other than an intimate partner.”
Whites have proven woefully inadequate to the task of filling their pro-rata crime quotas (page 38). At less than 9 percent of the population and dwindling, the corresponding numbers for white South Africans were 3.9 and 2.6 percent, respectively.
With respect to incarceration rates, whites “underperformed” again. According to the South African Department of Correctional Services, 113,773 criminals had been sentenced as of June 2008, of whom only 2,190 were white. Whites make up only 1.9 percent of the number of sentenced criminals.
Weighing in with 90,013 sentenced individuals – approximately 79.1 percent of the total number of criminals sentenced – blacks more than filled their per-population crime allotment.
This high-profile celebrity case involves a class of people – wealthy white South Africans – whose role in the country’s violent crime is statistically insignificant. Trust a hypocritical media to turn a statistical outlier, an anomaly, into a perfect foil for the continued blackout on the color of crime in South Africa.
The incontinent gushing over Pistorius has given way to condemnation. Paranoid about security is how the athlete’s “obligingly stupid” journo friends are now labeling him. They had only ever jetted in from low-crime or no-crime countries for an interview.
More at home among the international glitterati, Oscar Leonard Carl Pistorius is no Afrikaner “everyman,” says activist Dan Roodt, who is such a man. Even so – and for all his privilege – Pistorius knows the rapacity and invincibility of the criminal class in his country. Like every other Afrikaner, he knew in his gut what infiltrating gangs would do to a legless Boer. He had seen images of the mangled bodies.
Perhaps Pistorius will speak up.
Solidarity Movement announces findings of special report on farm murders
Report: Farm murders should be classified as a priority crime
By Nico Strydom on 27 November 2012
‘Farm murders and attacks should be recognised for the national crisis that it is and therefore deserving of priority status and focused attention’. This is one of the recommendations in a report on farm murders and attacks that was released today by the Solidarity Research Institute (SRI). The report forms part of a national campaign against farm murders by the Solidarity Movement which includes the SRI, the trade union Solidarity, AfriForum and Kraal Uitgewers.
The report deals with subjects such as the: nature and extent of farm attacks, levels of violence during farm attacks as well as psychological effects on victims. According to Dirk Hermann, Deputy General Secretary of Solidarity, farm attacks and farm murders should be declared priority crimes. ‘Government refuses to declare farm murders, in particular, a priority crime, because as far as government is concerned it simply forms part of the broader murder category. This is unacceptable and irresponsible,’ Hermann said.
Hermann’s concerns were echoed by various experts who were involved in compiling the report. ‘It is obvious that the government no longer considers the ongoing attacks on farms and the murder of persons involved in the farming community as a priority,’ said Dr Johan Burger, senior researcher at the Institute for Security Studies, in the report’s introduction. ‘The strategic and operational response to the threat of farm attacks and murders is clearly not based on the acknowledgement that the farming community is disproportionally targeted when compared to the victimisation risk of other citizens or groups in South Africa.’
According to Prof Christiaan Bezuidenhout, a professor of criminology at the University of Pretoria, it is evident that South Africa is struggling to cope with violent crime in general and farm attacks in particular. ‘I am under the impression that the current government is not taking the disastrous enigma of farmers under siege seriously enough and they are making the farmer the outcast instead of the provider of the nation.’ Lorraine Claasen, a criminologist, says it is disconcerting that farm attacks are still not given the attention they deserve despite the harrowing details that become apparent after only reading the details of a few farm attacks; thousands of attacks have been documented. ‘In conclusion, no human being deserves being killed and in such an inhumane, unjustified and brutal manner. Why is this allowed?’
AfriForum, the movement’s civil rights organisation, distributed memorandums about farm murders to 110 embassies and international institutions in October to create international awareness about the crisis. According to Nantes Kelder, head of AfriForum’s investigating unit, the establishment of community safety networks is the most practical step a community can take to drastically reduce crime in its area. It is a legal way in which communities can take the initiative to enhance their own safety.
Media statement, Solidarity, 27 November 2012.
’We are undermined by whites’
File category: Hate speech, demonizing genocide target group
SACP general secretary Blade Nzimande has called for a law protecting President Jacob Zuma against insults, The Star reported on Thursday.
South Africans had shown little respect towards blacks and their culture, and only treated Jews and Afrikaners with respect, he said.
Nzimande backed the call made by the SA Communist Party in KwaZulu-Natal on Monday, for a law protecting the Presidency from attacks that were “unfair, and lacking in fact and truth”.
He warned that Zuma supporters would soon reach boiling point.
“People can differ with me and you can insult me as you like, but disrespect, that is not acceptable,” Nzimande, the higher education and training minister, was quoted as saying by the paper.
“We are being undermined by whites.”
ANC NOT TO BE TRUSTED WITH AGREEMENT ON HATE SPEECH
01 November 2012
”The Freedom Front Plus would have welcomed a court decision in the Malema hate speech case, as it would have brought clarity and would have been enforceable.
The ANC cannot be trusted with the agreement it signed with Afriforum and the TAU SA about the Malema hate speech case. It is not the first time that the ANC has undertaken to encourage its supporters to desist with hate speech. Historically, the Freedom Front Plus, in 2007 had a similar agreement with the ANC, following a complaint it submitted to the Human Rights Commission (HRC). The complaint arose from placards in Dendron containing the words “All Boers are Killers” and “A Boer will remain a F***** Boer” in a protest march of the ANC. The agreement was concluded on 17 April 2007 in the hearing of the HR. and the ANC even agreed to take disciplinary action against members. Needless to say, the ANC did not stick to the agreement,” Mr. Pieter Groenewald, parliamentary leader of the FF Plus said.
”Even if the agreement with Afriforum and the TAU SA is made an order of the court, it is difficult to enforce in practice. An undertaking to “advise and encourage supporters and the leadership to act with self constraint … to avoid giving offense” is too wide. Nowhere was it agreed to, that the words sung by Malema is hate speech. According to information Malema was not present and it is doubted whether he would at all stick to the agreement,” Groenewald said.
Statement issued by Mr. Pieter Groenewald (MP), FF Plus Parliamentary Leader, October 31 2012
South Africans kept in dark over census results – David Ross
14 October 2012
DA MP says StatsSA delaying release, but allowing govt prior access
South Africans left in the dark on national population statistics
The DA is extremely concerned about Statistics South Africa’s (Stats SA’s) decision to grant government early exclusive access to the 2011 census results, effectively stonewalling the media, opposition and civil society from informed comment on the upcoming medium term budget policy statement (MTBPS).
The announcement of the census results was originally scheduled for 10 October. Stats SA has since announced a delay in the release.
The DA finds it curious that Stats SA would delay the releasing of the results by 20 days, only to then grant government privileged access before the scheduled date. The upshot of this move is that government gets to review the 2011 census results whilst all other interested parties are left out of the loop.
Whilst we think it sensible for the census results to be released early, given the importance of evidence based decision-making in the upcoming medium term budget allocations, we are of the belief that the findings should be made available to all South Africans.
It would be a genuine shame if the date shuffling exercise has been orchestrated to preclude the media, opposition parties and civil society from engaging government on an equal footing.
I will be writing to the Chairperson of the standing committee on finance, Mr Thabadiawa Mufamadi, to request that Stats SA Statistician-general, Pali Lehohla, presents the results of the 2011 census to members of the committee prior to the MTBPS.
We cannot effectively hold government to account when the very same government sees to it that we are left in the dark.
Statement issued by David Ross MP, DA Shadow Deputy Minister of Finance, October 14 2012
Many people believe that the delay is possibly due, to instruction by government in order to sanitize the data for policy and propaganda purposes.
Some also believe that the government may have given instruction to StatSA to alter and therefore, misrepresent population data to hide the negative effect African nationalist policies have, on the European minority and the Afrikaner nation in particular.
We furthermore believe that the ANC will do anything to hide the genocide of our People; even falsify data to achieve this.
It is in the light of these allegations that we have a serious distrust for any data published by any institution who have to answer to the ANC government.
We remind all our friends and supporters to use the data published by StatSa, with caution and with the above in mind.
SAIRR amends view on farm attacks
(Archive copy of original source material)
Research and Policy Brief: Farm attacks in South Africa – a new analysis
This Research and Policy Brief paper seeks to determine the extent to which farmers are uniquely vulnerable to armed attack in South Africa. It draws comparisons between the rate of attack on farmers and their families to that of other citizens in South Africa.
On 5 October 2012 the South African Institute of Race Relations released a statement on farm attacks in South Africa. The statement was based on farm attack data by the Transvaal Agricultural Union (TAU). It has since been drawn to our attention by James Myburgh of www.politicsweb.co.za that the TAU data is compromised by a significant undercount of as much as 7:1 in terms of the actual number of farm attacks. Our initial analysis has therefore been revised accordingly. The revised analysis follows below.
The table below compares the farm attack rate for farmers and their families to the house robbery rate, aggravated robbery rate, and combined aggravated robbery and murder and attempted murder rates for the broader population. It is based on three assumptions. The first is that there are 47 000 commercial farmers in South Africa. This is based on StatsSA’s Census of Commercial Agriculture 2007. The second is that the average household size for farmers is 3. This is the average household size for white South Africans. The third is that, following from James Myburgh’s analysis, TAU undercounts farm attacks by an average of 7 to 1. The fourth is that attacks on smallholdings should be included as attacks on farms.
|47 000 farmers + 2 dependants each = 141 000 people||National population = 50.6 million people||Ratio of farm attacks to attacks on general population|
|Rate per 100 000 people|
|Farm attacks vs house robberies||422||33||12.8 to 1|
|Farm attacks vs aggravated robbery||422||200||2.1 to 1|
|Farm attacks vs aggravated robbery + murder + attempted murder||422||260||1.6 to 1|
Table 1: Attacks on farmers and their families compared to other citizens (smallholdings included)
The table shows that based on those four assumptions the number of attacks on farmers and their dependants is 422/100 000. The number of house robberies in the broader population is 33/100 000. In this comparison farming families are 13 times more likely to be attacked than other families. However, farm attacks also include all forms of robbery and not just house robbery.
For that reason the table also compares the farm attack rate to the broader armed robbery rate in the country. Here the farm attack rate, which remains at 422/100 000, must be compared to the national armed robbery rate of 200/100 000. In terms of this comparison farmers and their families are twice as likely to be attacked as other citizens. Farm attacks also involve murder and attempted murder.
For this reason the table also compares the farm attack rate to the joint aggravated robbery/murder/attempted murder rate for the broader population. Here the farm attack rate, which remains at 422/100 000, can be compared to the national murder and aggravated robbery rate of 260/100 000. Even on this analysis farmers remain more vulnerable to attack by a ratio of 1.6 to 1.
However, the argument can be made that smallholdings are basically large urban plots and not really farms. For that reason we have published the table below which compares farm attacks, excluding attacks on smallholdings, to criminal attacks in the broader population. The other three assumptions made about the data (above) are unchanged.
|47 000 farmers + 2 dependants each = 141 000 people||National population = 50.6 million people||Ratio of farm attacks to attacks on general population|
|Rate per 100 000 people|
|Farm attacks vs house robberies||262||33||7.9 to 1|
|Farm attacks vs aggravated robbery||262||200||1.3 to 1|
|Farm attacks vs aggravated robbery + murder + attempted murder||262||260||1 to 1|
Table 2: Attacks on farmers and their families compared to other citizens (smallholdings excluded)
This table shows that when smallholdings are taken out of the equation the farm attack rate declines to 262/100 000 farmers and their families. Compared to the national house robbery rate of 33/100 000 farmers are on this measure eight times more likely to be attacked than other citizens.
However, the table shows that when this new farm attack rate is compared to the broader aggravated robbery rate of 200/100 000 this ratio comes down to 1.3 to 1. Furthermore, when the farm attack rate is compared to the broader aggravated robbery/murder/attempted murder rate of 260/100 000 that ratio reaches a level of parity of 1 to 1. In other words, on this measure farming families are no more likely to be attacked than other citizens.
We have also conducted an analysis of the murder of farmers, based on TAU’s more complete murder figures. In order to produce a figure for the highest possible murder rate the table below assumes that only the 47 000 farmers, and not their families, are targeted in farm murders.
|47 000 farmers||National population = 50.6 million||Ratio of farmer murders attacks to murders in the general population|
|Rate per 100 000 people|
|Farm murders vs all murders||68||31||2.2 to 1|
Table 3: The murder of farmers
On this measure the table shows that in 2011 some 68/100 000 farmers in the country were murdered. This compares to a national murder rate of 31/100 000. On this analysis farmers are twice as likely to be murdered as ordinary citizens. However, while farmers are particularly likely to be murdered, it is true that family members may also be murdered in attacks. It is for this reason that we have prepared the final table below, which compares the murder rate for farmers and their families to that of other citizens.
|47 000 farmers + 2 dependants each = 141 000||National population = 50.6 million||Ratio of farmer/family murders to murders in the general population|
|Rate per 100 000 people|
|Farm murders vs all murders||33||31||1.1 to 1|
Table 4: The murder of farmers and their families
This table shows that in 2011 the murder rate for farmers and their families was 33/100 000. The murder rate for the broader population was 31/100 000. On this comparison farmers and their families are not more likely to be murdered than other citizens.
Keep in mind that our analysis has excluded the 220 000 emerging commercial farmers, some of whom are large producers, who may also be attacked. We have also excluded from this analysis farm managers and extended families that may live on farms and become victims of attack. Our figures therefore suggest worst-case scenarios for farming families.
What conclusions can be drawn? The first is that the past week has seen a sharp increase in the quality and level of analysis of farm attacks in South Africa. It has also focused considerable media attention on the problem. Both of these are good things.
The second is that it is possible to argue that farmers are uniquely vulnerable to attack contrary to our initial conclusions drawn from the incomplete TAU data. This is especially so where a straight comparison is drawn between the house robbery rate and the farm attack rate. The same is true for the murder rate of farmers (excluding family members).
The third is that by changing some assumptions it is possible to reach somewhat different conclusions. For example, it is reasonable to compare farm attacks, which is a term inclusive of robbery and murder, to the broader robbery and murder rates of the society. When this is done farmers remain more at risk, although by a smaller measure. However, it is when the assumptions shift to exclude smallholdings that the picture changes significantly. Then the comparisons suggest that farmers are not uniquely vulnerable to violent attack.
However, even this result should not be taken to suggest that farmers are safe. Analysts of our data must consider that South Africa’s crime rates are uniquely high. Our murder rate, for example, is 500% higher than that of the United States and 3000% higher than parts of Western Europe such as the United Kingdom and Germany. This brings us to our fourth conclusion that all South Africans face an extraordinary criminal onslaught. People who have previously regarded farm attacks as a somewhat distant problem, nothing to do with them, must realise that they arguably live in as much peril as farmers do. It is clear therefore, regardless of how they rank compared to other citizens, that as a best-case scenario, farmers live a perilous existence in a largely lawless society.
The fifth conclusion is that, unlike urban middle class residents, farmers do not have the benefit of armed response companies or nearby police stations. Rather they depend on their own defences to secure themselves and their families. In addition, no analysis of the security position of farmers would be complete without noting the role of the State in exacerbating their vulnerability. The closure of the commandos and the Government and the African National Congress’s ambivalence at best toward the incitement by some of their own members to kill farmers creates an environment in which South Africa’s farmers are likely to be killed.
The final conclusion is that there can ultimately be no solution to farm attacks without a broader solution to the general problem of criminal violence in our society. In other words, farmers will not be safe until other citizens are safe and vice-versa. This is a point that advocacy groups can use to great effect in their important campaigns to alert policy makers and the international community to the murder of farmers in South Africa.
Issued by Frans Cronje, Lucy Holborn, Boitumelo Sethlatswe, South African Institute of Race Relations, October 10 2012