Posts Tagged ‘Afrikaner-Boer’
SAIRR amends view on farm attacks
(Archive copy of original source material)
Research and Policy Brief: Farm attacks in South Africa – a new analysis
This Research and Policy Brief paper seeks to determine the extent to which farmers are uniquely vulnerable to armed attack in South Africa. It draws comparisons between the rate of attack on farmers and their families to that of other citizens in South Africa.
On 5 October 2012 the South African Institute of Race Relations released a statement on farm attacks in South Africa. The statement was based on farm attack data by the Transvaal Agricultural Union (TAU). It has since been drawn to our attention by James Myburgh of www.politicsweb.co.za that the TAU data is compromised by a significant undercount of as much as 7:1 in terms of the actual number of farm attacks. Our initial analysis has therefore been revised accordingly. The revised analysis follows below.
The table below compares the farm attack rate for farmers and their families to the house robbery rate, aggravated robbery rate, and combined aggravated robbery and murder and attempted murder rates for the broader population. It is based on three assumptions. The first is that there are 47 000 commercial farmers in South Africa. This is based on StatsSA’s Census of Commercial Agriculture 2007. The second is that the average household size for farmers is 3. This is the average household size for white South Africans. The third is that, following from James Myburgh’s analysis, TAU undercounts farm attacks by an average of 7 to 1. The fourth is that attacks on smallholdings should be included as attacks on farms.
|47 000 farmers + 2 dependants each = 141 000 people||National population = 50.6 million people||Ratio of farm attacks to attacks on general population|
|Rate per 100 000 people|
|Farm attacks vs house robberies||422||33||12.8 to 1|
|Farm attacks vs aggravated robbery||422||200||2.1 to 1|
|Farm attacks vs aggravated robbery + murder + attempted murder||422||260||1.6 to 1|
Table 1: Attacks on farmers and their families compared to other citizens (smallholdings included)
The table shows that based on those four assumptions the number of attacks on farmers and their dependants is 422/100 000. The number of house robberies in the broader population is 33/100 000. In this comparison farming families are 13 times more likely to be attacked than other families. However, farm attacks also include all forms of robbery and not just house robbery.
For that reason the table also compares the farm attack rate to the broader armed robbery rate in the country. Here the farm attack rate, which remains at 422/100 000, must be compared to the national armed robbery rate of 200/100 000. In terms of this comparison farmers and their families are twice as likely to be attacked as other citizens. Farm attacks also involve murder and attempted murder.
For this reason the table also compares the farm attack rate to the joint aggravated robbery/murder/attempted murder rate for the broader population. Here the farm attack rate, which remains at 422/100 000, can be compared to the national murder and aggravated robbery rate of 260/100 000. Even on this analysis farmers remain more vulnerable to attack by a ratio of 1.6 to 1.
However, the argument can be made that smallholdings are basically large urban plots and not really farms. For that reason we have published the table below which compares farm attacks, excluding attacks on smallholdings, to criminal attacks in the broader population. The other three assumptions made about the data (above) are unchanged.
|47 000 farmers + 2 dependants each = 141 000 people||National population = 50.6 million people||Ratio of farm attacks to attacks on general population|
|Rate per 100 000 people|
|Farm attacks vs house robberies||262||33||7.9 to 1|
|Farm attacks vs aggravated robbery||262||200||1.3 to 1|
|Farm attacks vs aggravated robbery + murder + attempted murder||262||260||1 to 1|
Table 2: Attacks on farmers and their families compared to other citizens (smallholdings excluded)
This table shows that when smallholdings are taken out of the equation the farm attack rate declines to 262/100 000 farmers and their families. Compared to the national house robbery rate of 33/100 000 farmers are on this measure eight times more likely to be attacked than other citizens.
However, the table shows that when this new farm attack rate is compared to the broader aggravated robbery rate of 200/100 000 this ratio comes down to 1.3 to 1. Furthermore, when the farm attack rate is compared to the broader aggravated robbery/murder/attempted murder rate of 260/100 000 that ratio reaches a level of parity of 1 to 1. In other words, on this measure farming families are no more likely to be attacked than other citizens.
We have also conducted an analysis of the murder of farmers, based on TAU’s more complete murder figures. In order to produce a figure for the highest possible murder rate the table below assumes that only the 47 000 farmers, and not their families, are targeted in farm murders.
|47 000 farmers||National population = 50.6 million||Ratio of farmer murders attacks to murders in the general population|
|Rate per 100 000 people|
|Farm murders vs all murders||68||31||2.2 to 1|
Table 3: The murder of farmers
On this measure the table shows that in 2011 some 68/100 000 farmers in the country were murdered. This compares to a national murder rate of 31/100 000. On this analysis farmers are twice as likely to be murdered as ordinary citizens. However, while farmers are particularly likely to be murdered, it is true that family members may also be murdered in attacks. It is for this reason that we have prepared the final table below, which compares the murder rate for farmers and their families to that of other citizens.
|47 000 farmers + 2 dependants each = 141 000||National population = 50.6 million||Ratio of farmer/family murders to murders in the general population|
|Rate per 100 000 people|
|Farm murders vs all murders||33||31||1.1 to 1|
Table 4: The murder of farmers and their families
This table shows that in 2011 the murder rate for farmers and their families was 33/100 000. The murder rate for the broader population was 31/100 000. On this comparison farmers and their families are not more likely to be murdered than other citizens.
Keep in mind that our analysis has excluded the 220 000 emerging commercial farmers, some of whom are large producers, who may also be attacked. We have also excluded from this analysis farm managers and extended families that may live on farms and become victims of attack. Our figures therefore suggest worst-case scenarios for farming families.
What conclusions can be drawn? The first is that the past week has seen a sharp increase in the quality and level of analysis of farm attacks in South Africa. It has also focused considerable media attention on the problem. Both of these are good things.
The second is that it is possible to argue that farmers are uniquely vulnerable to attack contrary to our initial conclusions drawn from the incomplete TAU data. This is especially so where a straight comparison is drawn between the house robbery rate and the farm attack rate. The same is true for the murder rate of farmers (excluding family members).
The third is that by changing some assumptions it is possible to reach somewhat different conclusions. For example, it is reasonable to compare farm attacks, which is a term inclusive of robbery and murder, to the broader robbery and murder rates of the society. When this is done farmers remain more at risk, although by a smaller measure. However, it is when the assumptions shift to exclude smallholdings that the picture changes significantly. Then the comparisons suggest that farmers are not uniquely vulnerable to violent attack.
However, even this result should not be taken to suggest that farmers are safe. Analysts of our data must consider that South Africa’s crime rates are uniquely high. Our murder rate, for example, is 500% higher than that of the United States and 3000% higher than parts of Western Europe such as the United Kingdom and Germany. This brings us to our fourth conclusion that all South Africans face an extraordinary criminal onslaught. People who have previously regarded farm attacks as a somewhat distant problem, nothing to do with them, must realise that they arguably live in as much peril as farmers do. It is clear therefore, regardless of how they rank compared to other citizens, that as a best-case scenario, farmers live a perilous existence in a largely lawless society.
The fifth conclusion is that, unlike urban middle class residents, farmers do not have the benefit of armed response companies or nearby police stations. Rather they depend on their own defences to secure themselves and their families. In addition, no analysis of the security position of farmers would be complete without noting the role of the State in exacerbating their vulnerability. The closure of the commandos and the Government and the African National Congress’s ambivalence at best toward the incitement by some of their own members to kill farmers creates an environment in which South Africa’s farmers are likely to be killed.
The final conclusion is that there can ultimately be no solution to farm attacks without a broader solution to the general problem of criminal violence in our society. In other words, farmers will not be safe until other citizens are safe and vice-versa. This is a point that advocacy groups can use to great effect in their important campaigns to alert policy makers and the international community to the murder of farmers in South Africa.
Issued by Frans Cronje, Lucy Holborn, Boitumelo Sethlatswe, South African Institute of Race Relations, October 10 2012
Mantashe warns Afrikaner-farmers of ‘Marikana’
Gwede Mantashe (File, Sapa)
Johannesburg – Established farmers need to take emerging farmers under their wing to avoid a “Marikana” type of uprising, ANC secretary general Gwede Mantashe said on Thursday.
“Help emerging farmers… if you are not doing that you are going to have restlessness,” he told the Agri SA congress in Muldersdrift.
Mantashe said the wildcat strikes across the country, including the violent illegal strike at Lonmin’s platinum mine in Marikana in August, were not “merely about wages”.
“We are not benefiting from the wealth of the country. Wake up.”
Farmers must be part of change in the country, he said.
Black emerging farmers who had not previously had access to land, now lacked skills.
“The question of dispossession… is equally the process of de-skilling,” he said.
Mantashe told the farmers there was no shame in state intervention in the economy, but said “wholesale nationalisation would be a disaster”.
“You are not going to see a land grab without compensation under the ANC.”
Instead land redistribution should be done to primarily favour food security.
“Everything else is secondary,” he said.
He said land redistribution should be underpinned by improved efficiencies in the recapitalisation and development programmes offered to emerging farmers. At the moment, the programmes were implemented too slowly.
The land audit, being undertaken by the rural development and land reform department, needed to be completed.
“We must know what we are talking about, we must not guess,” Mantashe said.
There needed to be certainty about land owned by the state, land bought for redistribution, and land that was “off the radar”.
“I suspect that there’s more land that has gone to those (black) farmers that buy farms privately than land that has been redistributed through the land programme.”
Land bought privately by black farmers was not quantified, which was a problem.
Earlier this year, Land Reform Minister Gugile Nkwinti said the audit would be completed by June.
However, at the African National Congress’s policy conference in June, it was announced it would be completed by December.
Mantashe called on Agri SA to give regular input to government to help shape policy.
17 August 2011
By J. Mare
‘Protection pact’ signed between Afrikaner resistance movements
Introduction (Source: TNA) :
By: De Wet Potgieter
Three major white rightwing organisations have signed a co-operation pact that includes joint paramilitary training for their members.
The Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging (AWB), the Suidlanders and the Commando Corps say their intention is protect their people “once the black revolution starts”.
Col Franz Jooste, executive director of the Commando Corps, confirmed to The New Age yesterday that he and Steyn von Ronge (AWB) and Gustav Muller (Suidlanders) agreed on the pact when they met two Saturdays ago in the historic homestead of a former Boer general on a farm in the Free State.
The “Saamstaanverdrag” (pact to stand together) would be signed in Pretoria today, he said. “We have agreed to stand together on several levels of joint operations, but the most important one is to coordinate our security strategy to protect our own people once the black revolution starts.”
The “crisis of farm murders” had played a major role in the decision for the three organisations to embark on a joint strategy of paramilitary training.
In a recent exclusive report, The New Age revealed that young white South Africans were taking part in secret military training exercises on farms across the country, where they are taught to defend themselves against “crime and bloodshed”.
Over weekends and during school holidays, about 1000 young whites go into the bush for boot camps, where border war veterans train them in parade ground drill, handling of firearms and self-defence.
“It is a matter of survival for our people,” said Jooste, who was one of the instructors who trained murdered AWB leader Eugene Terre’Blanche’s elite Ystergarde (Iron Guard) unit during the 1980s.
The Commando Corps has also embarked on a major recruitment campaign to revive the old commando system. “This will be a security network spanning all of South Africa, but it will only be for whites,” Jooste said.
“We do not want to attack anybody and do not want to threaten anybody. We only want to protect our own people and our own land; therefore, we have decided to reform the commandos again.”
In a follow-up interview, I asked Col Jooste for his thoughts on how viable the pact is.
Jooste: “Well we’ve signed the agreement this afternoon and we are positive that it will work. For the first time, in a very long time the three organizations will be working together on security matters.”
I asked him whether they will consider working together with other community or private groups. He says that they don’t have any problem to work together, but emphasized that their organization is geared towards protecting its members, in contrast to other groups that aim to protect the community as a whole, like the Community Police Forum.
It does seem from the above as though Afrikaners and most persons from ethnic European descent, are beginning to see the value of a united front to resist the ANC regime.
Interaction and Conflict
There was still something else that bothered me, that I felt needed to addressed – Nobody bothered to ask the question whether the possibility – that conflict may follow as a result of interaction between the alliance, and the ANC police force or the Community Police Forum – may exist
I took the question to Col Jooste and he responded as follows:
“Look we do have a working relationship with the Police, our commando in Rustenburg has a very good relationship with the local CPF – indeed most of our commando’s all over the country are working closely with them and the police”
In response to the same inquiry, a member of the CPF command structure, had this to say when asked how the situation should be dealt with, if members from multiple organizations responds to the same incident:
” At the end of the day”… “everyone must extract themselves from the scene” … ( excluding emergency personnel and the Police) … “to allow the police to do their work”.
“We still live in a democracy…” (with a functional government) …”where the courts and police go hand in hand” …. (to protect society and secure justice). The CPF’s role is, to secure the scene until the police arrive to take control”.
It seems a s though every thing is falling in place for a massive onslaught against crime in our country as portrayed by the willingness by all parties to make this work. There is however one other major problem.
Storm Clouds Gathering
How long will we still be able to enjoy the benefits of a ‘functional government’ when many writers are already referring to South Africa as a ‘failing’ or a ‘failed state’? Politicsweb -Documenting South Africa`s decline. It is well documented how this government is failing its citizens in various ways and across almost all government departments. Service delivery protests are a common sight and hundreds of people have already lost their lives because of police action and in police custody.
The list of government failures is extensive and makes for depressive reading. Everyday we are confronted with horror stories in the national media of miss-management, fraud, corruption and failure to deliver on election promises.
In addition to this downward spiral, we have to face the possibility that this regime ( instead of changing their policies and cleaning up their act) would rather blame minorities in trying to hide their failures and, are now actively seeking ways to punish them. One example, is the ludicrous suggestion by the arch bishop Desmond Tutu that the government should promulgate extortion laws to steal ‘White’ wealth – typical of a ‘thug’ government, aka dictatorship.
It is also beginning to look as though our government has decided to adopt Robert Mugabe’s strategies of ‘ethnic cleansing’, to rid South Africa of its White minority.
Mike Smith, in his excellent commentary here, points to the blatant attempt of the ANC to recreate conditions of forced expropriation ala Zimbabwe style – not by using legal ‘ways-and-means’, but by creating a ‘government sponsored youth militia’ to engage in activities of intimidation, terrorism and murder to liberate the land from the previous oppressor.
“These youths (in Zimbabwe) were guilty of murder, torture, rape, voter intimidation, destruction of property, attacks on businesses, disruption of opposition MDC rallies and ultimately invasions of white owned farms, killing farmers and their families and chasing them off their land.
Just like Mugabe founded the National Youth Services to aid with “Land Reform” in rural areas, the ANC founded the National Rural Youth Service Corps (NARYSEC) under the guidance of the Ministry of Rural Development and the Ministry of Defense.”
This youth militia (8000 of them), will be trained at two military bases at… “Saldanha and Bloemfontein (De Brug).”
The stage is set …..
South Africans are readying themselves for action.
Alliances have been formed, protection agreements signed – everywhere, youngsters are subject to military styled training to defend lives or initiate change.
Nobody is mentioning the possibility that these ‘para-military forces’ or ‘militias’ are bound to run into one another at some point.
Nobody wants to think about the result of this possible interaction.
Nobody dares to mention that the stage is set for major conflict based on ‘incompatible ideologies’ and ‘ethnicity’.
How will we react in our unity to the challenge, when the ANC’s own youth militia will act like this – and, there’s every indication that they will act like Mugabe’s youth brigade :
….. They (will)…”have an ambivalent relationship with law enforcing agencies including the army and police. On the whole, the youth militia…” (will)…” have impunity,…” (will) often work(-ing ) under the direction of war veterans and alongside government agencies in their illegal activities. They are…” (will)…” seldom (be) arrested or prevented from breaking the law.”
Now is the time to rise above our circumstances, our petty differences and realize that this stage had been set many years ago – nay, ….many decades ago, and it is the descendents of those brave Afrikaner pioneers that will have to show their worth and battle for their very existence….
But I will not fear the future, because I know my People and I know their resolve, their brave fighting spirit, their will to survive.
The Suidlanders could not be reached for comment at the time of publication
24 July, 2011
VVK Registration campaign in Daspoort
By J. Maré
Yesterday saw many people in the poverty-stricken community of Daspoort in Pretoria, register for the Volksraad-council elections, later this year. People came from all over the Wesmoot to register. In addition to the registration officials, representatives of the Doulos Armoede Bediening (Doulos Ministries), Angels At Work (Facebook-Page) and the Afrikaner Journal were present.
The response to the call for registration was so great that the VVK officials (Charl De Jager & Jacques Maré) ran out of registration forms. The atmosphere was electric and lively debates about self-determination, could be heard through-out the day. Despite their circumstances, community members have shown a great deal of resilience in resisting the relentless onslaught by the ANC Metro-council to disposes them of their homes.
This was just another step in the fight for dignity – placing their names on the voters role, to make sure that their voice will be heard by a council, elected from among their own.
Forced removals pending
This community in Daspoort faces forced evictions by the ANC city council (Tshwane Metro Council).
The ANC has already targeted one property owner and has furthermore identified the structures (homes) to be demolished. It is just a matter of time before the order will be given to destroy the lives of this embattled community.
Magda Stroebel founder of the Angels At Work welfare organization, is due to appear in court again on the 29th of this month to face trumped-up charges of violating certain building regulations. She is however providing shelter to many people who simply don’t have anywhere to go.
According to Ms Stroebel, the council has yet to announce its intend, to move them and provide suitable homes for them within their communities and among those who share their language and cultural identity.
The council, obliged to act according to the SA constitution, must offer alternative housing for those they intend to evict. No word from them about how they plan to solve this dilemma. Not only do face creating a humanitarian crisis, but this situation can very easily turn into severe ‘human rights’ violations by the newly elected ANC council.
In addition, activists are claiming that the ANC is biased in their approach towards members of different race groups. They claim that the ANC’s concerns, that this type of accommodation violates building regulations, is bogus and intend to be deliberately malicious towards members of this race group, because they (the ANC) allow black people from outside these communities to erect dilapidated structures anywhere they like, and in many cases ,choose to ignore the health and safety risks posed by such shanty towns.
How does the VVK fit into the picture?
The VVK (The independent registration council for the Volksraad elections) came into being as a body that facilitates registration of all eligible persons on the voters roll for a future election, to set up a legitimate Afrikaners/Boer governing council.
This elected body will be the governing body that will make executive decisions on behalf of the Afrikaner/Boer nation and will furthermore be the mouth piece and administrative body of all matters connected to this group of people.
The Volksraad (as it will be known), will be the modern equivalent of the governing body that governed the Boer Republics during the brief period of our independence in the late nineteenth century. Each of the Boer republics was governed by a Volksraad (council), consisting of democratically elected representatives from among the Afrikaner/ Boer population.
The need for a council became clear after 1994 when the Afrikaners/Boers found that their political voice in the ‘New South Africa’ has reduced to a mere whisper. The situation has deteriorated to such en extend that there’s now, no political party in the NSA that represents this nation in the South African parliament. The ANC has therefore had a field day in establishing the most polarized society in the world. They managed to pass many racist and blatant genocidal laws to express their policies.
The VVK discusses the legal position of the Afrikaner/ Boer nation in detail and those interested in studying the argument for self-determination can follow these links:
(Unfortunately the documents are only available in Afrikaans – Google Translate will be helpful to international visitors to the site)
Additional links found on this website (In English):
Accord on Afrikaner Self-determination between the Freedom Front, The African National Congress and the South African Government/National Party.
Artikel 235 van die Grondwet, wet 108 van 1996
The National Council (Volksraad) will deal with the following emergency issues in addition to the issue of self-determination:
- ANC laws causing severe poverty
ANC laws have resulted in severe poverty among an estimated 800 000 Afrikaners and most of these people are literally living like animals in makeshift structures and shacks all over the country.
The Journal reported in an earlier article:
“… the ANC regime has managed to marginalize… “Afrikaners”, by introducing legislation to bar members of this group, from almost all economic activity, by means of racist job reservation legislation.
The effect of the above racist policy is an increase of 150% in the number of abject poverty-stricken members in those communities – the estimated number of poor has reached a mind-boggling (conservative figure) of 600 000 out of population of 4 million. This, expressed as a percentage, amounts to 15% of the population.
At this rate, the ANC will keep on harming and impoverishing this specific community as follows:
- 25% of all Afrikaners (1 084 556) will be destitute, seven years from now,
- 50% of all Afrikaners (2 133 444) will be destitute, fifteen years from now,
- 75% of all Afrikaners (3 256 302) will be destitute, twenty years from now,
- 100% of this group will be living in absolute squalor by 2034 – a mere twenty-three years from now”
- The Afrikaner Diaspora (Boer refugees)
The ANC has managed to purge the South African society of its most valuable asset – trained/educated Afrikaners that could have contributed to the welfare of this country. An estimated 1 million ex-pat Boers are living in exile in countries like the UK, USA, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. Many countries have rightfully acknowledged their status as refugees and the number of Afrikaner refugees have soared.
Censorbugbear Reports, commented on the issue of the number of South African refugees internationally:
There are 170 South Africans with legal refugee status in Germany, 111 in the USA, 46 in Ireland, 33 in Canada, 24 in the UK, 18 in France and 15 in Australia.(From our information, it is also believed that some ten applications are also pending in New Zealand.) – Source: SA’s 604 overseas refugees
- Internal Displaced Persons (IDP’s)
Those Afrikaners/Boers, not in the position to flee this systematic genocide, have become internal displaced persons in the country of their birth. They live in squalor, in camps – in and around the major cities. It was in one of these communities that registration for the council election took place.The UNHCR (The United Nations Refugee Agency) describes the position of displaced Afrikaners very aptly, in this quote from their website dedicated to IDP’s:
Internally displaced people, or IDPs, are often wrongly called refugees. Unlike refugees, IDPs have not crossed an international border to find sanctuary but have remained inside their home countries. Even if they have fled for similar reasons as refugees (armed conflict, generalized violence, human rights violations), IDPs legally remain under the protection of their own government – even though that government might be the cause of their flight. As citizens, they retain all of their rights and protection under both human rights and international humanitarian law.
The United Nations published a report in May 2010 and in it John Holmes, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, notes the following:
More than 27 million people were uprooted by violence within their countries in 2009, the highest number since the mid-1990s, according to a new United Nations-backed study.
The term IDP and other jargon “do not come close to doing justice to the truly awful experience of being displaced – disoriented, traumatized, confused, fearful, disempowered, dependent, helpless,”
The six countries with the largest IDP populations are Sudan, with nearly 5 million; Colombia, with between 3.3 and 4.9 million; Iraq, with almost 2.8 million; the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), with nearly 2 million; Somalia, with 1.5 million; and Pakistan, with 1.2 million.
Africa is the region witnessing the greatest volume of internal displacement, with a total of 11.6 million IDPs in 21 countries, while South and South-East Asia saw the biggest jump in numbers of IDPs from 3.5 million in 2008 to 4.3 million in 2009.
If the UN definition, acknowledges the conditions of internally displaced Afrikaners – shouldn’t this situation be recognized as such and their status recognized, in order to make relief efforts available?
or, is the UN secretly giving the ANC regimes racist legislation (and the cause of this displacement) a nod of consent?
In addition to this, Censorbugbear Reports, reported in May 2011:
Farmitracker also records another ominous trend – namely the ANC-regime’s refusal to provide any kind of food-aid to Afrikaner charities; and its very deliberate persecution of private individuals and private charities which dare to help destitute Afrikaner internal refugees.
Many of these people are waging an increasingly desperate battle to keep these hundreds of thousands of destitute Afrikaners who are floating around the countryside alive, fed and housed each day.
These emergency issues mentioned here, is by no means complete, but represents the most pressing needs.
If yesterdays response is anything to go by, the VVK may have to consider establishing an interim council to deal with the immediate needs in our communities.
Additional Links related to this story:
- MORE AFRIKANERS LOSING THE BATTLE FOR DIGNITY, TO POVERTY